Genderlessness in Jane Austen’s “Emma,” a Guest Post from Lelia Eye

This post originally appeared on the Austen Authors’ blog on February 11, 2021. There is lots within the post to ponder. I hope you enjoy it as much as I did.

I have been facing rather bad morning sickness which has made it such that effort of any sort is quite difficult. It started at Christmas, and based on previous pregnancies, I rather expect it to continue until mid- to late-March. My weeks consist of work, a very small amount of laundry, and trying to eat a protein every few hours. Other tasks, like housework, have been put on hiatus.

I thought perhaps an appropriate post might be one that discusses morning sickness in the Regency era, but a quick Google search revealed that either my Google skills are not as good as they used to be, or it’s just not a subject that is often canvassed.

Unfortunately, a massive research project is one which I am incapable of handling at present, and as the thought of exploring ingredients in the home remedies of Regency-era women is not especially helpful to my nausea, I rather thought I should pursue something else for the time being.

And so it was that I dug back into my old essays from graduate school and pulled out one on Emma. I would like to note that this was for a Literary Criticism class, and my school essays often argue things that disagree with my heart. I rather like the pairing of Emma and Mr. Knightley, and my critiques below of the characters are purely from a scholarly bent, so please take no offense!

Genderlessness in Jane Austen’s Emma

Jane Austen excels at the creation of memorable characters that exist in a society which places a lot of importance on social roles and gender.  One such character of Austen’s is the title character of Emma.  Emma is a dynamic and complex character.  Though she lives in a society with clearly defined gender roles, she strives to maintain a genderless identity which incorporates elements of both the masculine and the feminine.  This attempt is denounced by her society, however, for such genderlessness is not to be allowed in such a patriarchal setting, which means that there must be an effort made to quell Emma’s ambitions toward masculinity.  Through Emma’s interactions with, emulations of, and rejections of different characters in the novel, one can see Emma’s attempts to combine both masculine and feminine qualities to reach a genderlessness; at the end, however, Emma’s attempts are fruitless, for she settles into a feminine role by marrying and thereby relinquishes her masculine power.

The complexity of Emma’s character is made clear to the reader from the beginning of the novel.  The first sentence makes note of her good qualities, calling her “handsome, clever, and rich” (23).  A few paragraphs later, however, Jane Austen details the negative aspects of Emma’s character.  Austen writes, “The real evils indeed of Emma’s situation were the power of having rather too much her own way, and a disposition to think a little too well of herself . . . ” (24).  Thus, Austen, with strong descriptive terms like “power” and “evils,” informs the reader that Emma is vain and spoiled.  In addition, Emma does not realize that these qualities serve as “disadvantages which threate[n] alloy to her many enjoyments” (24).  These “threatening” qualities, however, are the ones that might lead Emma to her aspiration of holding masculine power, which is revealed as the novel progresses.  Due to her exalted position in Highbury society, Emma believes she can do whatever she wants, and she attempts varyingly to control, emulate, and reject people in Highbury society until near the end of the novel.

Emma’s father, Mr. Woodhouse, serves an important function in the formation of Emma’s character.  Ted Bader says that Mr. Woodhouse’s non-comedic function is to highlight Emma’s healthy state, her beauty, and her compassion, and he appears to view the character’s relation to Emma as simply one of contrast.  However, the similarities between Emma and her father are not to be dismissed so easily.  Both characters care for each other but are selfish, controlling, and reclusive.  Their reclusive natures are perhaps due in part to Mr. Woodhouse’s hypochondria, which heavily restricts their movements, but an aversion to a change of scenery and an attraction to an easily controllable environment also serve as reasons for their seclusion.  Emma even intends to use the absence of her presence at the Coles’ home to send a statement of how she is socially “superior” to the Coles, a manipulative move which is reminiscent of how Mr. Woodhouse uses his absence from others’ homes to encourage them to come to his home (Austen 173).  Another similarity between Emma and her father, at least at the novel’s beginning, is the fact that they are not very supportive of marriage: when Emma’s governess marries, Emma sees it as an event of “sorrow,” while Mr. Woodhouse sees it as a “disagreeable” means of change which he continually bemoans (24).  Both characters view Miss Taylor’s marriage as an inconvenient alteration of their lives, an unwelcome change.  Because both characters do not like change, they attempt to monopolize the actions of the people around them; after all, while Mr. Woodhouse tries to control people’s efforts in remaining healthy, Emma tries to control people’s marital statuses.  Mr. Woodhouse, in some ways, seems to be an old and male hypochondriacal caricature of Emma.

While Emma has absorbed or inherited some of her father’s qualities, the unusual relationship between the two of them is important when considering Emma’s more masculine ambitions.  As a “valetudinarian” (Austen 25), Mr. Woodhouse needs to be cared for; however, his hypochondriacal nature also leads him to try to care for others in a very fussy manner, something which would appear to be a feminine quality.  His worrying over everything from where “the poor horses” are to be put while “paying [a] visit” (26) to the fact that the picture Emma draws has Harriet “sitting out of doors, with only a little shawl over her shoulders” (56) makes Mr. Woodhouse seem to take the position of Emma’s mother rather than her father, a position which is mirrored in the way that his daughter Isabella fusses over her children.  Though the reader does not see Emma’s dead mother, Mr. Knightley comments that Emma’s mother was “the only person able to cope with her” and that Emma “must have been under subjection to her” (48).  Emma’s mother, then, appears to have taken the more dominant and father-like role in raising Emma, and Mr. Knightley even notes that Emma has “inherit[ed] her mother’s talents,” which indicates that Emma takes after her mother (48).  This confusion of gender and familial roles which was present in her parents must have had an effect on Emma’s psychosexual development, especially if the female figure she was supposed to emulate (her mother) did indeed take on a masculine role.

There is also further confusion of familial roles in the Woodhouse family, for Emma takes care of and controls her father. By making him comfortable and attempting to placate him when he is upset, Emma plays the role of a doting mother; by manipulating him and controlling his actions so as to promote both his and others’ happiness, Emma plays the role of a controlling father. Since Emma was twelve years old, Mr. Knightley says to Mrs. Weston, she “has been mistress of the house” and of her father and Mrs. Weston herself (48). This role has added to Emma’s attempt at genderlessness, for it encourages her to combine the feminine qualities of domestic control with the masculine qualities of familial control.

Emma’s attempt at genderlessness can also be seen in her interaction with Frank Churchill.  This interaction with Frank Churchill is fused with both the feminine and the masculine. By imagining a courtship with him, she indulges in a feminine fantasy, though she never actually intends to marry him. However, she also attempts to emulate the man, which serves as a leaning toward masculinity.  The element of masculinity which Frank represents is one of conquering: he aims to conquer the people around him in a way that asserts his superiority, a goal which is likely reflective of his wish to conquer his overbearing aunt. When Mr. Woodhouse frets that he has not “been able to wait on [Mr. Elton] and Mrs. Elton” after their marriage (Austen 227), Emma attempts to imitate Frank’s “sly manipulative tone to others” in disrespectfulness to her father (Leavis and Blom 321). This attempt at emulation, Leavis and Blom claim, begins Emma’s movement toward the Box Hill incident. Frank certainly seems to prove himself as deserving the negative terms Leavis and Blom use to describe him, and it is his presence in Emma’s life which encourages her descent into outright rudeness at Box Hill. Frank Churchill shows extreme insensitivity by flirting with Emma in front of his fiancée, and he also reveals himself to be rather cutting when he says to Emma that their companions are “stupid” and will be roused by “[a]ny nonsense” (Austen 295).  He continually insults people to Emma when the targets of insults cannot be heard, and he shows himself to care not for social requirements when he repetitively puts off his visit to his new stepmother.

Frank’s masculinity is intrinsically dangerous, and Emma’s attempt to act as he does threatens her position. In Jane Austen’s day, humility and sensitivity were qualities valued in and associated with females, yet Emma retains a sense of superiority and shows an “unfeminine” insensitivity which could damage her social connections and the very social status on which she prides herself as she tries to dominate others. Frank is not just a warning against dishonesty, insensitivity, callousness, and the negative effect these qualities have on the social scene, but he also serves as a warning of what Emma could become if she remains on her self-centered course. Speaking whatever she wishes and doing whatever she wants, as she has been accustomed to do at Hartfield, serve to elevate her to a masculine position which threatens to destroy that on which she prides herself, for women during her time were not supposed to be neglectors of social grace but models of it.

Mrs. Elton, whom Emma does not like, serves as an example of a woman who wishes to be elevated to a masculine position. Karin Jackson suggests that Mrs. Elton is part of Emma’s darker side, noting that such a position would be termed a “shadow” by Carl Jung, and she also points out that Emma is officious just like Mrs. Elton. Emma feels threatened, as a man might, by the masculine aspiration of Mrs. Elton and quickly decides she is “a vain woman” who “think[s] much of her own importance” in society (Austen 220), characteristics which Jackson notes could easily be applied to Emma herself.  Similarly, William Duckworth believes Emma’s “most irritating defects” are the ones she attributes to Mrs. Elton: snobbery and officiousness.  The ideal female in Austen’s time would be humble and submissive, two traits which are the very opposites of snobbery and officiousness. These two negatively connoted qualities, in moderation, would be appreciated positively as pride and dominance in a man, but a female aspiring to these masculine qualities is viewed in a negative light. Such a threat of genderlessness was unacceptable. In addition, while Mrs. Elton’s influence is mostly limited to Jane Fairfax, Emma’s own behavior, as Shinobu Minma notes, “threatens to disrupt the system of hierarchy established in the community” due to her “love of managing and arranging” (51). This interest seems to be masculine, as men in Austen’s time were viewed as possessing control, for they took care of estate matters and encouraged or discouraged the marriages of women.

Emma and Mrs. Elton are similar in still more ways which are indicative of leanings toward masculinity. They both take on attractive unmarried protégés whom they, in their assured superiority, refer to by their first names. They also boast they have no need of the outside world because of their possession of lofty inner “resources” (Austen 85, 224), and both women believe the Westons’ ball to be given in their honor, for they enjoy taking precedence over and being noticed by other people. Elsie B. Michie states that Emma, in teasing the poor Miss Bates, illustrates “ . . . self-interest in its purest . . . form[:] the desire simply to be the center of attention and to ignore the feelings of others” (21). This harsh charge cannot be denied, for Emma’s actions seem to go beyond the lengths even Mrs. Elton will take. While her words are certainly very rude, Emma is speaking the harsh truth. Miss Bates does say “dull things” quite frequently (Austen 296). Emma seems to be rebelling against the position the patriarchy assigns to her of kind, patient, and humble female angel. This rebellion against the patriarchy is condemned by Mr. Knightley, who tells her she is “acting wrong” and “unfeeling[ly]” (299). In taking her masculine pride to such a length that the Highbury patriarch scolds her, Emma is discouraged from genderlessness and led to feel feminine “mortification” and “anger against herself” (300).

Jane Fairfax embodies many feminine qualities which Emma rejects. Jane is kind, educated, quiet, and always polite, which is sharply different from her controlling forced mentor, Mrs. Elton. Jane is also more disciplined in her approach to learning than Emma is, as Jackson notes. In fact, she is learned enough that even Emma is willing to admit that Jane’s skill on the pianoforte is far “beyond” hers in superiority (Austen 191). Despite all of Jane’s good qualities and all the similarities between them, which even Isabella Knightley, who calls Jane “accomplished and superior,” can see, Emma does not like Jane Fairfax (99). Mr. Knightley suggests to Emma that the reason for her dislike is her failure to be seen as Jane Fairfax is: as a highly “accomplished young woman” (142). Emma cannot completely deny the charge in her own mind, though she does characteristically deny its truthfulness to Mr. Knightley (142). Emma’s view of Jane is colored with jealousy, for Jane embraces her “natural” feminine goodness, mixes freely in society, and is often doted on due to her ill health and kind manner. Emma enjoys being at the top of the Highbury social hierarchy, but maintaining that position entails a dearth of good friends due to a maintenance of a power typically associated with the masculine. Too much condescension to others might lead her to a loss of some of her power, which is a notion Emma does not like.

Miss Bates mostly serves to illustrate some of the more negative possibilities of femininity.  While Emma never rambles on as Miss Bates does, Jackson notes that both characters “tal[k] too much for [their] own good.” This quality of talkativeness is typically associated with women rather than men, though it is viewed as a negative quality. Emma certainly enjoys talking and is never pleasantly quiet as Jane, the more ideal woman, often is; talking profusely at Box Hill is what leads Emma into trouble, for she is so pleased with the sound of her own voice that she speaks callously toward Miss Bates. Emma dismisses Jane’s “reserve” as “indifference” (Austen 142), even though she detests the volubility which leads Miss Bates talk to “every body” about “every thing” (85). Emma and Miss Bates are also similar in other ways. Both women are unmarried and take care of an elderly parent, a situation which seems to entail a mixture of feminine and masculine qualities, though Emma shuns the attempt of Miss Bates at genderlessness and is more controlling and thus more masculine than the mostly feminine Miss Bates. Both women are also both highly interested in gossip, which indicates a more feminine sensibility.

Miss Bates represents what Emma would be if she were older, still unmarried, and poor. Even Harriet makes a short-lived comparison between Emma and Miss Bates when she hears that Emma never intends to marry anyone. Emma self-confidently dismisses the comparison, claiming that her possession of wealth will prevent her from ever being a mere “old maid” like Miss Bates (Austen 85). This dismissal is weak, however, for the possession of large amounts of money does not blind people to one’s marital status. If Emma does not marry, then an old maid is exactly what she will become whether she chooses to accept the term or not. With Miss Bates, however, becoming an old maid is forced on her due to her poverty; with Emma, a choice is given and made to refrain from marriage (though her decision later changes when Mr. Knightley proposes). Emma notes that “few married women are half as much mistress of their husband’s house, as [she is] of Hartfield” and that she could never “expect to be so truly beloved and important; so always first and always right in any man’s eyes as [she is] in [her] father’s” (84). Though she enjoys her masculine position as head of Hartfield, Emma points out that “[w]omen’s usual occupations of eye and hand and mind will be as open to her” in the future as they are in the present (85). She enjoys the fluidity which comes with her position as a rich and unmarried woman, for she can move between different gendered roles and strive to achieve genderlessness by taking on the masculine and feminine qualities which please her.

Emma exploits the fluidity of her position with Harriet Smith in particular.  Both characters follow a similar (if partially imagined) courtship pattern with Mr. Elton, Frank Churchill, and Mr. Knightley, and they are both also blinded into believing in a false reality surrounding those male characters. By having Harriet as a companion, Emma is able to experience the feminine side of life (courtship) while maintaining her unmarried status.  However, Harriet is said to not be “the superior young woman which Emma’s friend ought to be” (Austen 47). Indeed, Harriet is a character with whom it is strange for Emma to associate, as Harriet is someone’s “natural daughter,” is not “clever,” is “artles[s]” (37), lacks “penetration” (39), and is “talkativ[e]” in front of people with whom she is comfortable (40), yet Emma desires to “improve her” (37), much as the masculine Mr. Knightley desires to improve Emma. Jackson suggests that Emma’s own limitations are implied through her association with the “undeveloped” Harriet. By rejecting the ideal feminine image of Jane Fairfax and choosing the more neutral and less ideal one of Harriet Smith, Emma seems to be subconsciously noting her own uncertainty of who she is and who she should become. Mr. Knightley does admit that Emma has “improved” Harriet (63), but the masculine dominating role Emma has been playing is one which Mr. Knightley does not wish to continue, for he seems quite anxious that Harriet marry Mr. Martin, which would remove her from Emma’s near-constant mentorship.

At the end of the novel, Emma rejects Harriet, allowing their “intimacy . . . [to] sink” (Austen 380) and choosing to trade a more neutral and genderless state for a more “positive” and “feminine” one. Emma no longer needs to assert masculine dominance on and experience feminine courtship through someone else, so she repudiates the friend whose lower status, according to the standards of the time, should have repelled her at the beginning of the novel. Kathleen Anderson states that Austen appears to be drawing a parallel between Emma and Harriet: both women defer to the guidance of the men who love them and who possess better judgment than their own. The judgments of these men, however, is only “better” in regard to how matters in a patriarchal society must remain for the societal order to stay the same. Upon becoming engaged, Harriet receives “improvement” and “safety” from Mr. Martin (Austen 379), while Emma determines to attempt to “grow more worthy” of the man “whose intentions and judgment ha[ve] been ever so superior to her own” (374). Both Emma and Harriet will move closer to the feminine idealness suitable to their respective social stations because of their relationships with the men they marry. The two women are resigned to submissive roles, for their husbands will carefully guide their actions and ensure that they become “proper” wives.

Mr. Knightley is a character strangely similar to Emma.  Both characters are often bored, frequently submitting themselves to Mr. Woodhouse’s high-strung company.  Both of them are wealthy and of high status; in fact, Mr. Knightley and the Woodhouses are the only landowners in Highbury.  As Anderson notes, both Mr. Knightley and Emma assume dominant roles toward their female protégés.  They try to influence their young protégés and admire their beauty, with Mr. Knightley calling Emma “very handsome” and Emma believing Harriet to be a “very pretty girl” (Austen 49, 37).  Because they are able to see the flaws of their pupils, they believe themselves superior and derive pleasure out of their roles as mentors, and they attempt frequently to assert their dominance.

Emma and Mr. Knightley are both masculine. Anderson says Harriet is attracted to Mr. Knightley because of his similarity to Emma, who serves as Harriet’s father figure.  When Emma advises Harriet not to marry Mr. Martin, she certainly seems to be playing the part of a concerned father. Anderson also states that Emma is attracted to Mr. Knightley because he has been like a father to her. Despite their long acquaintance and their engagement, Emma persists in calling him by the formal name “Mr. Knightley” (Austen 365). Anderson goes even further to claim that Mr. Knightley is attracted to Emma because she is an “extension” of the patriarch Mr. Woodhouse. While Emma relinquishes her beloved control by submitting to Mr. Knightley through marriage, Mr. Knightley, though Austen seems to have brought him onto the scene to restore the masculine order, is also forced to submit to Emma by moving into the Woodhouse home instead of bringing Emma into his own. Both characters thus begin taking on more feminine qualities, though it is noteworthy that Mr. Knightley only leaves Donwell to placate the patriarch of Emma’s family (even if that patriarch acts more in a maternal than a paternal fashion).

By taking over the care of Emma, Mr. Knightley subsumes any hope of Emma’s creating a powerful part for herself. The house in which Emma was once dominant over her somewhat effeminate father becomes a house in which Mr. Knightley’s masculine dominance rules. Mr. Woodhouse even refuses to give explicit approval of the marriage between Emma and Mr. Knightley until a series of thefts prompts him to desire the close protection of Mr. Knightley. Despite Mr. Woodhouse’s age, it is obvious that Mr. Knightley, the one who is to protect their home in order to ensure Mr. Woodhouse’s comfort, will be at the top of the Hartfield hierarchy.

Jackson speaks of Mr. Knightley as an extension of Emma’s conscience. Mr. Knightley is certainly able to “see faults in Emma,” and he tells her about them often (Austen 28).  He acts as more than just a conscience, however; he acts as a masculine societal force which urges Emma toward femininity and away from masculine shows of power. He is constantly speaking of Emma’s faults to her, their family, and their friends in an attempt to assert the proper order, yet his efforts are slow at producing results, despite Emma’s constant acknowledgements that at least some of what Mr. Knightley says is true. His influence does work on Emma, however. He leads her to “mix more with” society, as is proper for a young lady to do (252), and when Emma learns that Harriet likes Mr. Knightley, warm thoughts of Mr. Knightley lead Emma to realize “how improperly” she has “been acting by Harriet” (324). Mr. Knightley is thus involved in Emma’s transformation, and he takes over Emma’s dominant and masculine position at Hartfield when he marries her. Jackson, believing Mr. Knightley is Emma’s conscience, suggests that by integrating a strong male influence, or, as Jung would put it, the animus, into her psyche, Emma finally becomes a whole individual. However, Emma does not seem to be integrating masculinity but rather rejecting it, for through marriage Emma relinquishes the masculine power she has been holding in order to accept a more submissive role from the man whose criticisms she has been fighting throughout the novel. Her marriage will be a happy one since there is love on both sides, but she will no longer be free to exercise power and attempt to embrace genderlessness.

Emma begins with what might appear to be feminist leanings, for Emma picks and chooses qualities evinced by others to embrace and reject. Above all, she wishes to maintain her masculine power, controlling her father and attempting “to arrange everybody’s destiny” in Highbury (Austen 327-328).  She fights against Mr. Knightley’s admonitions—which are frequent enough that he even later admits while proposing that he has “blamed . . . and lectured” her very often—before finally giving in to him (340). To his proposal, she says “[j]ust what she ought” to as a “lady” (341), and she becomes “his own Emma” (342), a woman who has been “materially changed” since the beginning of the novel (374), and a woman who no longer belongs to herself but to a man.  Mr. Knightley has set views on femininity and masculinity, views which, it is to be supposed, will have an effect on his wife. He says that Mrs. Weston was “preparing [her]self to be an excellent wife . . . at Hartfield,” as she “receiv[ed] a very good education from [Emma], on the very matrimonial point of submitting [her] own will, and doing as [she was] bid” (48). This picture which Mr. Knightley paints is one in which Emma is put in a masculine role much like that of a husband; when she marries Mr. Knightley, however, she is supposed to submit to his will.

When Emma becomes more like Jane Fairfax, who suffers from ill health and does not pursue masculine power, she is making a movement to reject the manly qualities she has been embracing and give up her much-prized autonomy. The genderlessness for which she has strove and of which society, namely Mr. Knightley, has disapproved, is rejected. Her masculine ambitions are quelled at the end of the novel, and the “rightful” order of matters in a patriarchal society is restored with a conservative ending in which Emma marries and submits herself to a masculine presence at last.  Genderlessness in such a strictly ordered society which depends on clear gender roles to maintain stability cannot last without much unhappiness on the part of the one attempting such a state, and so Emma chooses domestic felicity over personal independence.

The ending may not be one which a feminist would applaud, but Emma’s attempts to circumvent the societal order which forbids her from taking on masculine rights and responsibilities is worthy of recognition. Austen may not have been a feminist in the modern sense of the word, but one can find in Emma a feminist discontent bubbling below the surface. Though the novel seems to follow the conventions of the day by ending in marriage and the maintenance of the patriarchy, one must remember that Austen herself never married. As for Emma, she appears to be happy with her life before marriage, and the man she does marry is one who has critiqued her mercilessly.  Austen seems to be less endorsing the workings of her society than expressing frustration at the plight of women. For a woman on the higher rungs of society, there were three options available: to become married, as Emma does; to be impoverished (or at least unable to work) and viewed negatively as an old maid, as Miss Bates is; or to make money as a governess or lady’s companion, as Miss Taylor does before marrying.  These options are all imbued with femininity, which is highly unfortunate for someone such as Emma, who strives for genderlessness before finally giving in to the conventions of her time.


Works Cited

Anderson, Kathleen.  “Fathers and Lovers: The Gender Dynamics of Relational Influence in Emma.”  Persuasions On-line 21.1 (2000) 5 April 2009 <http://www.jasna.org/persuasions/on-line/vol21no2/anderson.html&gt;.

Austen, Jane.  Emma.  Ed. Alistair M. Duckworth.  New York: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2002.

Bader, Ted.  “Mr. Woodhouse is not a Hypochondriac!.”  Persuasions On-line 21.2 (2000) 5 April 2009 <http://www.jasna.org/persuasions/on-line/vol21no2/bader.html&gt;.

Duckworth, William.  “Reading Emma: Comic Irony, the Follies of Janeites, and Hermeneutic

Mastery.”  Persuasions On-line 24.1 (2003) 5 April 2009 <http://www.jasna.org/persuasions/on-line/vol24no1/duckworth.html&gt;.

Jackson, Karin.  “The Dilemma of Emma: Moral, Ethical, and Spiritual Values.”  Persuasions

On-line 21.2 (2000) 5 April 2009 <http://www.jasna.org/persuasions/on-line/vol21no2/jackson.html&gt;.

Leavis, L.R. and J.M. Blom.  “A Return to Jane Austen’s Novels.”  English Studies 62.4 (1981): 313-323.  EBSCO.  18 October 2007 <http://www.ebscohost.com&gt;.

Michie, Elsie B.  “Austen’s Powers: Engaging with Adam Smith in Debates about Wealth and Virtue.”  Novel: A Forum on Fiction 34.1 (2000): 5-27.  EBSCO.  18 October 2007 <http://www.ebscohost.com&gt;.

Minma, Shinobu.  “Self-Deception and Superiority Complex: Derangement of Hierarchy in Jane Austen’s Emma.”  Eighteenth Century Fiction 14.1 (2001): 49-65.  EBSCO.  5 April 2009 <http://www.ebscohost.com&gt;.

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The Real-Life Myles Standish’s Influence on “The Courtship of Lord Blackhurst”

As my previous two posts on John Alden and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow have indicated, my most recent tale, “The Courtship of Lord Blackhurst” was inspired by Longfellow’s narrative poem, “The Courtship of Myles Standish.” Other than the knowledge of Standish being a part of the original Plymouth colonists, what else do we know of the man? In truth, not as much as one might think. As it was with John Alden, we know Standish’s “history” after his arrival at Plymouth Rock, but much before that time is mere speculation. 

For example, many list his birthdate as occurring 1584, while others think it more likely to be closer to 1587. His place of birth is also greatly debated. Nathaniel Morton, writing in his book New England’s Memorial (1669) states that Standish hailed from Lancashire, England. Morton tells us Standish owned a book about the former head of the Rivington Grammar School in Lancashire, and he cites the town of Duxbury that Standish and John Alden founded as a reference to Duxbury Hall in Lancashire. Others believe him to be from the Isle of Man state that “in his probate will that were “surreptitiously detained” from him (including lands on the Isle of Man itself); these lands all belonged at one time to Thomas Standish, of the branch of the Standish family from the Isle of Man. In September 2006, Jeremy D. Bangs supplied a scholarly review of the evidence and controversy in “Myles Standish, Born Where?”, Mayflower Quarterly 72:133-159.” [Mayflower History]

Standish was an heir to a fairly sizeable estate in Lancashire, but his lands were lost during the English Civil War, and neither he nor his son Alexander were ever able to legally regain control of the estate.

Likewise, we know little of his service to Queen Elizabeth’s army. Unsubstantiated reports claim he was a lieutenant in the Queen’s arm. Scholars believe he served for a time in Holland where he became acquainted with John Robinson and the Pilgrims who lived near Leiden. He was hired to be the Pilgrims’ military captain. His role in the settlement was to be coordinate the Pilgrims’ defense against outside threats from, say, the French, the Spanish, or the Dutch, as well as the “Indians” (Native American) tribes. 

A scene from The Courtship of Miles Standish, showing Standish looking upon Alden and Mullins during the bridal procession ~ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Courtship_of_Miles_Standish#/media/
File:Courtship_of_Miles_Standish_a_Plymouth_Pilgrim.jpg

We know he was married when he traveled with the Pilgrims. His wife Rose traveled with him to the New World. As they had no children, they likely married before the Mayflower set sail, but we do not know the date or even Rose’s last name. The lady died during the first winter at Plymouth. According to the tale Longfellow set about, Standish set his eyes on Priscilla Mullins, an orphan (Her parents and brother also died during that first winter.) and one of the wealthier Pilgrims because she held the shares of her family in the expedition. Moreover, she was the only female who was not married among those who, initially, traveled with the Pilgrims. Priscilla, however, chose John Alden over Standish. Standish, later, courted and married a woman named Barbara (again, no last name), who arrived at Plymouth on the ship Anne in the year 1623. 

As part of his duties to the Pilgrims, he explored the area and assisted in developing the site chosen for the settlement. In his role as military captain, Standish oversaw the building of the fort designed to protect the colonists. He led trading expeditions and designed the group’s response to the Indian tribes in the region. “He led the party that went in pursuit of the alleged killers of Squanto (who was later discovered to be safe). He led the revenge attacks on the Indians in the Massachusetts Bay after they were caught in a conspiracy planning to attack and destroy the Plymouth and Wessagussett colonies; several Indians were killed or executed, for which Standish received some criticism, even from his friends, for being too heavy-handed.” [Mayflower History] At times Standish was criticized for his ruthlessness and for his quick temper. However, he was also praised for his defense of the colony and for his tender concern for those who took ill during that first disastrous winter. 

In the mid 1630s, Standish and John Alden founded the town of Duxbury, where they lived out the remainder of their days. Standish and Barbara had eight children: Charles (died young), Alexander, John, Myles, Lora, Josias, and Charles. He died a painful death from most consider to be kidney stones on 3 October 1656.

Also See: 

American Ancestors 

Britannica

Study.com

To Read The Courtship of Miles Standish, go HERE

Introducing The Courtship of Lord Blackhurst

What happens when a lady falls in love,  not with her betrothed, but rather with his cousin?

Since her birth, Miss Priscilla Keenan has been promised to the Marquess of Blackhurst. The problem is: She has never laid eyes upon the man. So, when Blackhurst sends his cousin to York to assist Priscilla in readying Blackhurst’s home estate for the marquess’s return from his service in India, it is only natural for Priscilla to ask Mr. Alden something of the marquess’s disposition. Yet, those conversations lead Cilla onto a different path, one where she presents her heart to the wrong gentleman. How can she and Alden find happiness together when the world means to keep them apart? Inspired by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s “The Courtship of Miles Standish,” this tale wants for nothing, especially not a happy ending, but that happy ending is not what the reader anticipates.

Kindle https://www.amazon.com/dp/B09237K1ZY?ref_=pe_3052080_276849420

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EXCERPT:

They remained silent for several minutes before she asked, “Would you tell me something of your life in India? I feel I could better understand Lord Blackhurst if I viewed him through the eyes of someone who holds a similar point of reference as does he.” 

He shifted uncomfortably, and Cilla instantly regretted her request. “I would not know where to begin.” 

She shrugged. “Where did you live in India? I know only generalities of the place. When did you two first know a conflict? I have heard many of the locals do not appreciate the efforts of the British East India Company. Is that true? If so, it must have been daunting, attempting to assist those who do not wish your advantage.”

Mr. Alden grimaced at something she said, but he did not reprimand her. “Admittedly, the give-and-take between the two sides sometimes fell out of balance,” he explained in obvious general terms. She would have preferred something more detailed, but she would accept what he was willing to share. 

“Then arms are employed?” she asked.

“Aye.” He sighed heavily. “A man would not wish a woman to stand witness to such atrocities as one finds in war, whether on the Continent, the American front, or in India.” 

“Yet, the devastation must change a man,” she argued. “Surely, Blackhurst is not the same carefree youth of which Mr. Sterling and many in the village speak. What should I know so I will not be afraid of what, I pray, are his rare bouts of temper or depression?”

He presented her a weak grin. “I can tell you with all certainty that in those early days of conflict in India, Lord Blackhurst began to think seriously upon your eventual marriage. Although you were still very young in ’09 when we in service to the British East India Company were called into that first battle, Blackhurst, then the Earl of Hurst, took solace in knowing he possessed a future.”

Cilla felt tears rushing to her eyes. “Truly?”

He nodded sharply, as if a bit embarrassed at what he had confessed. “Absolutely. Blackhurst wants you to know happiness in your joining.” 

“I shall cherish your promise.” Swallowing the emotions rushing to her chest, she asked, “Where was that first conflict?”

“You are a persistent one,” he said with a sad smile and another sigh. She observed how he ordered his thoughts before he spoke. “We were in an important port city on the southwest coast of India,” he recited. “At the time, there was a local objection to the occupation of the city of Quilon by the East India Company. Troops of the Indian kingdom of Travancore attacked a local garrison situated near Cantonment Maiden.”

He paused as if the memory was still very new. “Quilon is very important to trade and shipping,” he explained, “which was the reason for the British being in the area. Vlu Thampi Dalawa, the Travancore Prime Minister, brought more than twenty thousand Nair troops and nearly two dozen pieces of artillery against us. Thankfully, Colonel Chambers had three battalions of native sepoys, Indian infantrymen, available, along with one regiment of British troops. We were outnumbered nearly four to one.” He grimaced as he heard his own words. “With God’s good fortune, we prevailed by destroying fifteen of their eighteen artillery pieces, but the loss of men was many, nearing fifteen hundred when one considers both sides.” 

“How long?” Cilla spoke barely above a whisper, as she attempted to comprehend what he described. She knew he had spared her the most horrific details; yet, what little he had shared was enough for her imagination to run wild. 

“The battle itself?” She nodded her agreement. “Thankfully, we prevailed in a matter of six hours, but that first taste of hostilities was enough for me. Men should not exact such devastation upon each other.” 

“However, that was not the only conflict you knew?” she questioned. 

He shook his head sadly. “I spent eleven years walking a narrow line between the interests of The Company and the various factions operating within India. Often we were caught between one empire and another.” 

Cilla had dozens of other questions she wished to ask, but she knew there would be other days to ask them. She did not like the idea of bringing Mr. Alden pain. 

“Tell me something I should know of Lord Blackhurst’s nature,” she requested. 

Mr. Alden studiously avoided looking in Cilla’s direction as he spoke. “Despite what you may think of his lordship’s first letter to you, many consider the marquess equally skilled with both his pen and his weapons. I have known Blackhurst to place himself straight at the head of his troops, calling upon each captain, by name, to order forward the ensigns to win the day, declaring, ‘If you wish a thing to be well done, you must do it yourself; you must not leave it to others!’”

She knew Mr. Alden meant for her to know pride in the man to whom she was betrothed; yet, something in Cilla wondered why a man—a leader upon the battle field—who would never consider leaving the safety of his men to the care of others—would not make, at least, a few gestures to secure her care and to win her affection. Mr. Alden said otherwise, and she was grateful for the man’s thoughtfulness and his reassurances; even so, she knew disappointment in Lord Blackhurst, essentially, ignoring her.

Lost in their individual thoughts, it was several moments before either of them realized it had started to rain. Immediately, they were on their feet and grabbing their belongings. Snatching up the blanket and basket, he caught her by the hand. “It appears, Miss Keenan, we are in for another soaking!”

He hustled her toward the cart, but Cilla had other ideas. “We are likely to know some protection in the denser parts of the woods, than in a slow-moving cart, where we are certain to be drenched.” 

The gentleman nodded his agreement, dumped the basket into the back of the cart and took off at a steady pace. Never releasing her hand, they set off together on an exhilarating scamper for dry ground. Cilla caught up her skirt to make it easier to follow along beside him. 

Leading the way, he darted around trees and bushes until they stood in a circle of elms, standing so close together, that even sunlight did not penetrate the magical enclosure. It was as if they had stepped into a fairy realm, one she had often dreamed of as a child. There was a thick carpet of leaves at their feet, and everything was turning green with the spring. Branches of the various trees intertwined, as if they were holding hands. 

“This is lovely,” she said in awe. 

Outside their enclosure the rain pounded against the tree tops, but, within, they remained relatively dry. 

“This place is truly amazing,” he said softly. He grinned at her sheepishly. “I imagine you could turn this moment into a melody.” 

She knew embarrassment marked her cheeks, but she nodded quickly. “It is rare that some strand of a melody does not circulate in my head, but you are correct, sir. The rain. The occasional bit of thunder. The closeness of the trees. They all mix with the words from Lord Blackhurst’s previous letter. I can hear the notes as they align to form the essence of the tune.” 

“You have a gift, Miss Keenan. A unique gift that must be cherished. Would you do me the honor of humming it for me? I would love to hear it,” he encouraged. 

Still self-conscious from her admittance, she closed her eyes and permitted the notes to form in her mind. Soon she hummed the tune, seeing the notes as they danced in the air. Her voice had completely filled their little bit of heaven when she felt his arm slip about her waist and the heat of his breath upon her cheek. 

“Waltz with me,” he whispered into her ear. 

She swayed with him for several seconds, before she allowed him to lead her into the dance form, a dance she had only observed upon a few occasions and had never performed previously, not even with a dance instructor. However, Cilla trusted the gentleman not to permit her to stumble. His hand on her back had just enough pressure to turn her in a tight circle, while edging her closer still to the warmth of his body. As her voice carried the tune, her body hummed also, set in motion by the gentleman holding her so closely. 

Suddenly, she realized they no longer moved, and her song had ceased to exist. Cilla opened her eyes to look up into his now familiar features. Her lips were so dry, she licked them, belatedly realizing a fire flickered in his gaze as he looked down upon her. She swallowed hard, her heart flipping over in her chest. Priscilla had never felt such a deep connection to anyone before. Time stood still, and she was afraid to breathe, fearing doing so would destroy the moment they shared. 

Instinctively, she leaned into him, irresistibly drawn to him. 

Then without preamble, Mr. Alden jerked himself stiffly upright, turning stone-faced in the blink of an eye. Abruptly, he stepped back and offered her a proper bow. “Thank you, Miss Keenan.” 

Cilla blinked several times, attempting to make sense of what had just passed between them. Had she imagined the possibility the gentleman had thought to kiss her? Would she have permitted him to do so? Cilla had never been kissed and had wished him to kiss her with all her heart, but she reminded herself, such would never occur, for she was betrothed to the gentleman’s best friend. Mr. Alden held honor at the core of his being, and, even if she wished upon the luckiest of stars to know him better, her wish would not be granted. 

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John Alden’s Influence on the Release of “The Courtship of Lord Blackhurst” + a Giveaway

My story, “The Courtship of Lord Blackhurst,” is heavily influenced by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s “The Courtship of Miles Standish.” Many of the characters names, for example, derive from the poem. However, in Longfellow’s narrative, John Alden speaks to Priscilla Mullins because his friend, Miles Standish, wishes to marry Priscilla. In the Longfellow poem, Standish simply wishes to marry Priscilla because his wife, Ruth, has died, and, obviously, at the Plymouth Colony, few English women were available. Yet, it is John Alden who loves Priscilla, and, astutely, she loves John in return. 

I did not want my story to follow Longfellow’s tale too closely, just to be influenced by it. Why? You may ask. The reason this tale has captured my attention all over again is John Alden, the Assistant Governor of Plymouth Colony, is my 10th Great Grandfather on my maternal side through Alden’s daughter Rebecca. 

Public Domain ~ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Alden#/media/File:Priscilla_and_John_Alden_(70453)

Alden was born in approximately 1599, most likely in Harwich, Essex, England. Although there are several other possibilities for his heritage, the Aldens of Harwick were related by marriage to the Mayflower‘s master Christopher Jones. Alden would have been about 21 years of age when he hired to be the cooper (barrel-maker) for the voyage. Once those aboard the Mayflower reached America, Alden chose to remain rather than to return to England. Priscilla Mullins, the woman he eventually married was from Dorking, Surrey, England. Her parents, William and Alice Mullins, and her brother Joseph, all died during their first winter at Plymouth. 

As members of the original voyage, both Alden and Priscilla held shares in the company financing the establishment of Plymouth Colony. Priscilla’s shares were many due to the deaths of her family members. John Alden was elected an assistant to the Colony’s governor in 1631. “He was one of the men who purchased the joint-stock company from its English shareholders in 1626, and was involved in the company’s trading on the Kennebec River. [In 1626, the colony’s financial backers in London, known as the Merchant Adventurers, disbanded. This left the colonists in a quandary as to how to settle their significant debts to those who had funded the effort. Eight of the Plymouth colonists, including John Alden, agreed to collectively assume, or undertake, the debt in exchange for a monopoly on the fur trade from the colony. These men who averted financial ruin for the colony became known as the ‘Undertakers.’ The fact Alden was among them is indicative of his growing stature in the colony.] John Alden, along with Myles Standish and several other Plymouth Colonists, founded the town of Duxbury to the north of Plymouth. Evidence suggests the men began constructing their houses as early as 1629.

http://mayflowerhistory.com/alden

About 1653, he, along with his son Captain Jonathan Alden,built the Alden House, which is still standing and is maintained by the Alden Kindred of America. By the 1660s, John and Priscilla Alden had a growing family of ten children [Elizabeth, John, Joseph, Priscilla, Jonathan, Sarah, Ruth, Mary, Rebecca, and David].  Combined with his numerous public service duties (which were mostly unpaid positions) he was left in fairly low means.  He petitioned and received from the Plymouth Court various land grants, which he distributed to his children throughout the 1670s.  He died in 1687 at the age of 89, one of the last surviving Mayflower passengers.” (Mayflower History)

SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

John Alden 

The Courtship of Lord Blackhurst

Book Blurb:

What happens when a lady falls in love,  not with her betrothed, but rather with his cousin?but rather with his cousin?

Miss Priscilla Keenan has been promised to the Marquess of Blackhurst since her birth. The problem is: She has never laid eyes upon the man. So, when Blackhurst sends his cousin to York to assist Priscilla in readying Blackhurst’s home estate for the marquess’s return from his service in India, it is only natural for Priscilla to ask Mr. Alden something of the marquess’s disposition. Yet, those conversations lead Cilla onto a different path, one where she presents her heart to the wrong gentleman. How can she and Alden find happiness together when the world means to keep them apart? Inspired by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s “The Courtship of Miles Standish,” this tale wants for nothing, especially not a happy ending, which it has, but that ending is not what the reader anticipates.

Kindle https://www.amazon.com/dp/B09237K1ZY?ref_=pe_3052080_276849420

Kindle Unlimited https://www.amazon.com/kindle-dbs/hz/subscribe/ku?passThroughAsin=B09237K1ZY&_encoding=UTF8&shoppingPortalEnabled=true

EXCERPT:

Spring, 1821, Yorkshire

Cilla knocked on the door to her father’s study. “You sent for me, Papa?” She knew quite well what the subject of today’s meeting was to be, for she had observed the marquess’s mark on the express delivered a half hour removed to her father on a silver salver. Ironically, she had been raised with a strong sense of independence, but, today, she was to be maneuvered into accepting a man she had never met—to be the pawn in a chess match where everyone would win, but her.

“Come in, Priscilla. I have additional news from Lord Blackhurst.”

She swallowed her sigh of resignation as she made herself do as her dear Papa said; yet, she was not pleased with the situation. Until Lord Blackhurst had shocked her by sending word to her father that he was prepared to meet the arrangements between the marquess’s family and hers and marry her, Cilla had only heard mention of the man and his family because one of the marquessate’s many properties marched along with her father’s main estate.

Most assuredly, she had heard more than a few tales of the previous Marquess of Blackhurst. Lord Robert Keyes had been her father’s most loyal chum growing up in this part of Yorkshire, and Lord Edward Keenan had often sung the man’s praises. Since learning of the arrangement between her father and Robert, 10th Marquess of Blackhurst, Cilla had often thought if her prospective groom had been the father, instead of the son, she would have held no qualms about marrying the man. Even if only half of her father’s tales were true, there was much to admire in the former marquess.

His son, however, possessed quite a different reputation. Unbending. Sanctimonious. Harsh. Empty of humor. Being forced to marry a man she could not respect was beyond the pale. “Has his lordship changed his mind about taking a complete stranger to wife?”

Her father looked up from the letter resting upon his desk and frowned. “Do you realize how fortunate you are? You are a mere ‘miss,’ the daughter of a baron. His lordship’s agreement to marry you is a rare opportunity for one of your station. Customarily, a duke or a marquess would court daughters of earls—women who are addressed as ‘Lady So-and-So,’ not ‘Miss Keenan.’ Your marriage to Blackhurst will make you a marchioness, one of the leaders of English society.”

She rarely spoke disrespectfully to her father, who had turned his life upside down to raise his five children properly after the loss of his beloved wife. However, in this matter, Cilla could not agree. “What good will it be to become a marchioness if Lord Blackhurst means to clip my wings? I shall not be allowed my own thoughts on anything more important than the color of a pillow in my favorite drawing room.” She worried if she would be allowed to continue to compose music once she married. She had already sold two pieces to Mr. McFadden in London, and she hoped the fugue she was writing would be the third such piece to know authorship.

“Such nonsense,” her father grumbled. “Blackhurst is not an ogre.”

Her brow crinkled in objection. “In the newsprints, he is depicted as a man with a stick down his trousers and not in the front,” she declared in bold tones.

“Priscilla Rebecca Elizabeth Keenan, I will not tolerate such language in this house! Do you understand me?” her father chastised in sharp tones.

She wished to remind him it was she who oversaw the horse breeding upon the estate and knew something of the nature of stubborn stallions and resistant mares, and she was well aware of what the caricatures meant, but, instead, she bowed her head in submission and said, “Yes, Papa. I beg your forgiveness.” Cilla paused before daring to ask, “When was the last time you laid eyes upon his lordship? Perhaps the man you knew is not the man who has returned to London after years in India.”

Her father’s frown lines deepened in concentration. “Blackhurst was perhaps twelve or thirteen. The last few years of Robert Keyes’s life, the family lived on the property belonging to the late Lady Blackhurst through her marriage settlements. Her ladyship preferred Devon to the wilds of Yorkshire, and Lord Blackhurst adored his wife as much as I did your mother. He allowed her to determine his home seat, but the abbey is Blackhurst’s traditional home.”

“More than seventeen years,” she said triumphantly. “Since reaching his majority and leaving university, the current Lord Blackhurst has spent his years in India. For all we know, he would still be there if his father had not passed. And, might I remind you, that was nearly two years removed. His lordship made no effort to rush home to claim this peerage. We know nothing of the type of man he has become other than the tales found in the newsprints of his years of service to the East India Company, most of which are quite unflattering. I cannot believe you mean to send off your only daughter on the arm of a man who is a complete stranger.”

Turbulent emotions reflected upon his countenance, and Cilla realized he was not as pleased with this arrangement between her family and that of the marquess, as she once thought. Her father sighed heavily. “A contract exists between our families. Would you have me know dishonor? Or ruin? I could not afford a large penalty for breaking the agreement. I have your four brothers to consider.”

“I would have you also consider your only daughter,” she said defiantly.

Giveaway: I have TWO eBook copy of The Courtship of Lord Blackhurst available to those who comment below. The giveaway will end at midnight EST on 23 April 2021. The winners will be announced on Sunday, 25 April, via email. Happy Reading! 

Posted in American History, book excerpts, book release, British history, Dreamstone Publishing, excerpt, Georgian England, Georgian Era, giveaway, historical fiction, history, Living in the Regency, marriage, marriage customs, publishing, real life tales, Regency era, writing | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , | 4 Comments

Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s Influence on “The Courtship of Lord Blackhurst” + a Giveaway

According to Henry Wadsworth Longfellow: A Maine Historical Society Website, “Henry Wadsworth Longfellow was a commanding figure in the cultural life of nineteenth-century America. Born in Portland, Maine, in 1807, he became a national literary figure by the 1850s, and a world-famous personality by the time of his death in 1882. He was a traveler, a linguist, and a romantic who identified with the great traditions of European literature and thought. At the same time, he was rooted in American life and history, which charged his imagination with untried themes and made him ambitious for success.”

My story, “The Courtship of Lord Blackhurst,” was inspired by Longfellow’s poem “The Courtship of Miles Standish.” I have loved the poem for more years than I care to recall. I spent 40 years teaching English/language arts in public schools of three different states, most of which at the high school level. Therefore, I was often called upon to teach “Evangeline” and, upon occasion, “The Courtship of Miles Standish” in my American Lit classes. Naturally, when Ancestry.com led me to John Alden of the Plymouth Colony fame as my tenth great-grandfather and then directed me to Longfellow as my sixth cousin 5x removed, I was doing my “happy dance.” Longfellow, you see, is also related to John Alden through Alden’s daughter Elizabeth. I am related to Alden through his daughter Rebecca. 

Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, one of the “Fireside Poets,” wrote lyrical poems about history, mythology, and legend that were popular and widely translated, making him the most famous American of his day.

The plot of The Courtship of Miles Standish deliberately varies in emotional tone, unlike the steady tragedy of Longfellow’s Evangeline. The Pilgrims grimly battle against disease and Indians, but are also obsessed with an eccentric love triangle, creating a curious mix of drama and comedy. Bumbling, feuding roommates Miles Standish and John Alden vie for the affections of the beautiful Priscilla Mullins, who slyly tweaks the noses of her undiplomatic suitors. The independent-minded woman utters the famous retort, “Why don’t you speak for yourself, John?” The saga has a surprise ending, one full of optimism for the American future.

Most would agree that Longfellow’s poem is fictionalized history. Main characters Miles Standish, John Alden, and Priscilla Mullins are based upon real Mayflower passengers. Longfellow was a descendant of John Alden and Priscilla Mullins through his mother Zilpah Wadsworth and he claimed he was relating oral history. Skeptics dismiss his narrative as a folktale. At minimum, Longfellow used poetic license, condensing several years of events. Scholars have confirmed the cherished place of romantic love in Pilgrim culture and have documented the Indian war described by Longfellow. Miles Standish and John Alden were likely roommates in Plymouth; Priscilla Mullins was the only single woman of marriageable age in the young colony at that time and did in fact marry Alden. Standish’s first wife, Rose Handley, died aboard the Mayflower in January 1621. Two years later, Standish married a woman named Barbara in Plymouth in 1623. The Standish and Alden families both moved from Plymouth to adjacent Duxbury, Massachusetts in the late 1620s, where they lived in close proximity, intermarried, and remained close for several generations.

To Read The Courtship of Miles Standish, go HERE

Introducing The Courtship of Lord Blackhurst

What happens when a lady falls in love,  not with her betrothed, but rather with his cousin?but rather with his cousin?

Miss Priscilla Keenan has been promised to the Marquess of Blackhurst since her birth. The problem is: She has never laid eyes upon the man. So, when Blackhurst sends his cousin to York to assist Priscilla in readying Blackhurst’s home estate for the marquess’s return from his service in India, it is only natural for Priscilla to ask Mr. Alden something of the marquess’s disposition. Yet, those conversations lead Cilla onto a different path, one where she presents her heart to the wrong gentleman. How can she and Alden find happiness together when the world means to keep them apart? Inspired by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s “The Courtship of Miles Standish,” this tale wants for nothing, especially not a happy ending, which it has, but that ending is not what the reader anticipates.

Kindle https://www.amazon.com/dp/B09237K1ZY?ref_=pe_3052080_276849420

Kindle Unlimited https://www.amazon.com/kindle-dbs/hz/subscribe/ku?passThroughAsin=B09237K1ZY&_encoding=UTF8&shoppingPortalEnabled=true

EXCERPT:

For more than a week, Cilla had called daily upon the abbey, no longer waiting for either of the Sterlings to assist her. She also no longer wore her better day dresses, for she often assisted the maids, girls from the village she knew either from church or by sight, taking down dusty drapes or rolling up carpets to be beaten. Some items she had chosen to replace, while others only required a thorough cleaning. Each day, she spent time reorganizing her various lists, prioritizing what should be addressed first.

“After you have had your midday meal,” she told Audrey, Ellie, and Janie, the three maids hired to assist her, “we will take a survey of the music room.” If it had been Cilla’s choice, once she had viewed the spectacular pianoforte located in the music room, she would have started her survey of that particular room first, for music was what touched her soul. Everything else was secondary in her life. However, it was on the third day before she had recalled the room near the rear of the house.

When she was younger, she would sometimes sneak into the abbey just to have a look around. There were so many wonderful pieces of art and sculptures thereabouts, and Cilla loved simply to curl up on one of the dust-covered chairs and study the artwork, while she made notations of melodies to accompany each piece. The works served as her inspiration. It was perhaps on her third or fourth visit to the abbey that she had discovered the music room. Her hands had itched to play the pianoforte, but she had resisted the urge to do so, knowing someone might hear her and demand to know why she had entered the Blackhurst property without permission. Little did she know, at the time, this would be her future home. She was glad today that she would have a legitimate excuse to view the ornate instrument, perhaps even taking a few moments to play a short composition she had rolling around in her head.

“Shall I bring you a tray, miss?” Janie asked.

Cilla’s eyes remained on the instrument. Distractedly, she responded, “Bring it when you return. I am in no hurry.”

“Yes, miss. Enjoy your time to rest for a few minutes. You’ve worked most diligently,” Audrey added.

Cilla smiled at the girls. “I plan to test out Lord Blackhurst’s pianoforte.”

“You play, miss?”

“My late mother loved music as dearly as she loved my father. She made certain each of her children could play an instrument.” Cilla did not say the words aloud, but she thought, As I pray I will be allowed to do so with my own children. Catching the ache of loneliness seeping into her chest, she shooed the maids from the room so she might explore the space alone.

With the maids’ exit, Cilla made her way about the room, admiring the carved frame of a harp, which had two broken strings, but she strummed the remaining ones, picking out a simple tune. “Even without all its strings, the instrument is excellent, or perhaps it is the room that speaks of perfection,” she murmured. She could imagine herself spending countless hours within. “At least, this is something I can love about the future marriage to which I have been committed.”

She began a more complete examination of the room, which she had belatedly realized had been specifically designed to create a musical experience. The room’s location, near the rear of the house, would prevent the noise of a busy household from interfering with a musical performance. Draperies not only hung at the windows, but also covered one of the walls. Persian rugs of various sizes were scattered about the floor, sometimes layered with rugs made of wool supporting an instrument, while several large plants and upholstered chairs and settees dotted the rim of the room.

One corner held a bookshelf, containing books of various sizes. A floral printed wallpaper covered the wall surrounding the arched entrance, and a fabric-covered folded screen sat opposite the book shelf in another corner.

“Someone certainly knew what they were doing,” she said as she crossed to one of the windows to draw back the drapes to allow light into the space. A smattering of dust filled the air about her, and she batted away the dust motes floating before her eyes. She turned for a second look at the room, now draped in sunlight. “I could spend my days practicing and not be disturbed.”

With a sigh of satisfaction she had yet to know since assuming the task of arranging his lordship’s household, Cilla sat at the instrument and positioned her fingers upon the keys. Although the pianoforte, like the harp, could do with a good tuning, within minutes, she was lost in the music, swaying on the bench, allowing the melody to carry her to another place—a place only she knew. Soon she was switching from a piece by Mozart to one she had been working on for several months—one with which she had yet to know fulfillment.

Over and over again, she played the prelude, changing the phrasing—adding a different chord here and there—dropping a half note she once thought essential.

So engrossed with the process, she failed to hear the faint sound of a footfall behind her. When she finally realized she was no longer alone in the room, it was too late not to gasp, as she spun around to gape at the handsomest man her eyes had ever beheld.

“Oh, botheration!” She clapped a hand over her mouth, as she blushed thoroughly. “You startled me, sir! I did not hear you come in. May I assist you?”

What could only be called an arrogant lift of his eyebrow rose in obvious disapproval. “Perhaps it is I who should assist you,” he said in exacting tones.

GIVEAWAY: I have two eBooks of The Courtship of Lord Blackhurst available to those who comment below. The giveaway ends Friday, 23 April 2021. Winners will be contacted on Sunday, 25 April 2021 via emails. Happy Reading!

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A Painting Inspired by a Jane Austen Novel? a Guest Post from Eliza Shearer

This post originally appeared on the Austen Authors’ blog on 2 February 2021.

About year ago, on a visit to the Kelvingrove Art Gallery and Museum in Glasgow, I came across a delightful painting that immediately set my imagination flying. 

The 1887 painting, titled Two Strings to Her Bow, shows a cheerful young woman walking with her arms around two supposed suitors, neither of whom seem too pleased with the situation. 

With its coquettish female central figure in an Empire-line muslin dress and the men in breeches, the scene was a lovely depiction of Regency times. More specifically, to me the scene looked straight out of a Jane Austen novel.  

Two Strings to her Bow, by John Pettie, 1887.JPG ~ WikiCommons

A Victorian Throwback

Although Two Strings to Her Bow was painted 70 years after her death, the timing was no coincidence. The artist, John Pettie (1839-1893), was born in Edinburgh and had a successful career in England, which in Victorian times meant keeping an eye on what the market wanted.

The fact is that, towards the end of the 19th century, Austen underwent a bit of a revival. It all kicked off with the publication of A Memoir of Jane Austen in 1869. Written by Austen’s nephew’s James Edward Austen-Leigh’s, the biography presented her as a respectable writer whose work was perfect for Victorian sensibilities. 

(You may remember that, as part of the publicity campaign around A Memoir of Jane Austen, Austen-Leigh also commissioned a portrait of his aunt with a much-softened image, which is the same one that now appears in the 10 pound note today).

The Rise of “Austenolatry”

The reissue of Austen’s novels in the following years drove a renewed interest in Austen. More than the lavishly illustrated collectors’ sets, however, it was the cheap, “popular” editions of the books that made the writer a household name. 

Austen became so popular in the 1880s that some talk about a veritable Austen-mania, or “Austenolatry”. (The backlash in certain circles was to belittle the literary merit of Austen’s novels, and writers like Henry James, Mark Twain and Charlotte Brontë openly criticised her work.)

Given the growing interest in Austen, the subject of Pettie’s painting makes perfect sense. Intriguingly, it is part of a series featuring the same characters in different configurations. I wonder where the rest of the paintings have ended up and the story they tell.

The Girl in the Painting

But back to Two Strings in Her Bow. Who might the young lady be? She certainly looks like the cat who got the cream, confident of her allure and boosted by the clear rivalry of the two men hankering for her affections. Ask for the gentlemen, they couldn’t be more different…

If you ask me, she is no other than Miss Lydia Bennet in one of her flirting sprees, but I am happy to be convinced otherwise! 

What do you think? What Austen character(s) does the painting bring to your mind? And who would be your preferred suitor if you were the woman in the painting?

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The Mont Blanc Tragedy During World War I

Halifax explosion of 1917The damaged Exposition building in Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada, after the 1917 explosion.
George Grantham Bain Collection/Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. (Digital file no. LC-DIG-ggbain-25897)

Any historical fiction writer worth her salt spends a great deal of time doing research. I was specifically looking for tunnel fires for a plot line I was envisioning. I found a great deal on the Mont Blanc tunnel fire in March 1999, but that was too modern. However, what caught my eye was a different tragedy with “Mont Blanc,” and I am not speaking of mountain climbing.

This tragedy occurred on 6 December 1917 in Nova Scotia, specifically in the harbor of Halifax. This was pre-atomic days, but the devastation was still quite unbelievable.

Halifax was a bustling port during WWI. Ships carrying troops, supplies and munitions often left the harbor for the European continent. On this particular day, the Norwegian vessel Imo set out for New York City. About the same time, the French freighter Mont Blanc also set out. The Mont Blanc‘s cargo included 5000 pounds of explosives, specifically 2300 tons of picric acid, 200 tons of TNT, 35 tons of high-octane gasoline, and 10 tones of gun cotton. The Mont Blanc was to join a military convoy in the Atlantic.

The tragedy began with a navigation error combined with large crowds gathered along the shore, who gathered to watch what they thought was a mere shipwreck.

The two ships collided about 8:45 A.M. According to History.com, “The Mont Blanc was propelled toward the shore by its collision with the Imo, and the crew rapidly abandoned the ship, attempting without success to alert the harbor of the peril of the burning ship. Spectators gathered along the waterfront to witness the spectacle of the blazing ship, and minutes later it brushed by a harbor pier, setting it ablaze. The Halifax Fire Department responded quickly and was positioning its engine next to the nearest hydrant when the Mont Blanc exploded at 9:05 a.m. in a blinding white flash.” The French ship caught fire after several drums of benzol—a highly combustible motor fuel derived from coke-oven gases—tipped over on the deck, spilling their contents, which ignited, and the vessel drifted into the pier.

The Mont Blanc exploded, sending a giant mushroom cloud over the town. More than 1800 were instantly killed. Thousands more were injured. The entire northern part of the city was destroyed, including 1600 homes. Many people were blinded from the glass and shrapnel that rained down upon Halifax and Dartmouth. Schools, homes, factories, and churches were set ablaze, and many more were flattened by the shock wave.

A large portion of the waterfront was swept away by a 30-foot tidal wave. Initial survivors were drowned and the other ships in the harbor were swept away. Pieces of the Mont Blanc were later discovered as far removed as 3 miles. A tugboat in the harbor ended up on the Dartmouth shore. The shock wave shattered glass windows in Charlottetown some 120 miles away, and the explosion could be heard hundreds of miles away.

The shock wave washed away the settlement of an indigenous tribe called the Mimac.

The man-made explosion was not eclipsed until the devastation of the atomic bomb was finally acknowledged.

“Military and naval personnel worked with civilians in the relief effort. Nearby cities like Truro took in the homeless. Eaton stores donated furniture. The Canadian and British governments donated millions for reconstruction, while the United States organized a relief train filled with supplies, doctors, and nurses, some of whom were on the scene and working before shocked Canadian officials had fully recovered. More than 90 years later, the province of Nova Scotia each year still sends a Christmas tree to the city of Boston, Massachusetts as a token of friendship for the aid Bostonians rendered in December 1917.” (War Museum)

To Learn More…

A Harbour Collision Destroys Halifax

The Great Halifax Explosion

Halifax Explosion

Halifax Explosion

Wartime Tragedies

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Traveling by Stagecoach During the Regency Era

Stage and mail coaches traveled much faster than a private coach would do. They did not have to wait for changes, did not spend the night anywhere, and had relief drivers.

Stage coaches also used their own horses, or horses under contract purely for their use.  They had their own drivers, not postilions, so they did not have to adhere to the speed limits put on private hires. Stage coaches did stop at night unless they were express routes, which operated only between a few large towns. There were night coach routes, too, that operated only at night, but theses used the worst vehicles, worst horses, and worst drivers, so passengers usually avoided them. They carried mostly packages between towns without going through London. Stage coaches averaged about 7 miles per hour on the turnpikes, much slower on secondary roads, which they traversed often since they were the only real public transportation connecting smaller towns or that operated across the country instead of always radiating from London, like the mail coaches did. They pushed their horses hard and carried a LOT of passengers, so the horses rarely lasted even three years in service, being sold to farmers as plow horses afterwards. Stage coaches did have to stop at tollgates, but their horses were ready at each stop so changes were fast. They used a shorter distance between changes than private job horses did, meaning they were changed out every 10-15 miles.  

Mail coaches were the fastest form of transportation, averaging 9 miles per hour.  However, they only operated on the turnpikes and only on turnpikes in good condition.  They actually dropped one route during the Regency because the road surface was too destructive to their safe passage. They did not stop for anything except changes of horses, which happened very quickly and very often (5-7 mile stages usually).  Again, the horses were under contract strictly to the post office, so they were unavailable to travelers. Mail coaches carried, at most, 7 passengers — 4 inside, three outside. Their coaches were smaller and lighter than the stage coaches, which added to their speed.

When I figure how long it might take a character in one of my books to travel from point A to point B, I estimate an average of 5 to 7 miles per hour on the turnpikes, less on secondary roads. That means one needs to hire horses every 15-20 miles if the character is to make good time. I often get a rough estimate of how long it takes by using a Google search for the distance between two cities if traveling by bicycle. Then, I make adjustments for the better roads, straighter routes, etc. It is a good starting point, though.

Many traveled with postilions who have a speed limit of 7 miles per hour.  But they have to stop at all toll gates, slow for all the numerous villages, and give way whenever a mail coach comes up behind them. One must also consider the season of the year and daylight available for travel. By the 1830s, the average speed was doubled due to macadamization, meaning better paved roads, but that process did not start in 1814. (See John Loudon McAdam)

The men who changed the horses for the mail or stage coaches might be thought of in terms of a NASCAR team – certainly not as fast, but comparable, and equally efficient. They could do it for under 5 minutes. However, some timed the change of horses to a meal time and gave the passengers twenty minutes.

Some stage coaches and mail coaches ran 365 days per year. Meanwhile, some lines never ran on Sunday. Whether there was more than one stage or mail going out a day depended on the route.

Travel was delayed and the coaches stopped during blizzards and when the snow blocked the roads. In a couple of cases, outside passengers froze to death because of the cold. The destination determined whether the next coach out would be in two hours or the next day.

Keep in mind, there were different coaches.

There is the Royal Mail. This ran over specific routes, usually only once a day in either direction. They did not travel on Sundays or religious holidays, so no Christmas Day travel. Their schedules were very tight, and horses were changed in about 15 to 20 minutes, or less–one traveling on those coaches barely had time to use the facilities or get some tea. Their purpose was to deliver the mail, and passengers were secondary, and the coachman very strict on times.

Then there were various stages owned by private companies. These ran on their own schedules and were more or less dependable, and also often more crowded. They, too, were not supposed to run on Sundays or religious holidays, but some did–it was about a profit. Times to change horses might be a touch more relaxed in that some stops were worked into their schedules, including changes of horses. Some of these coaches might have a team of six, and so a change would take longer (more horses = more time). They would also generally run only once a day in one direction–or possibly even less. Yet, all those “possibilities” depended on the route and traffic.

In determining the frequency of coaches, one must remember there were never several coaches going all the same way, with the same exact destination. There the modern choices of whether to fly, take a train, travel by bus, or drive oneself was not available. We are talking about a much less populous world than the one we live in; therefore, the choices were limited. Coaching companies carved out their own routes and few overlapped. Between large cities, naturally, one must expect more need, and less need the further one was removed London. One might have several coaches all using the same road: for example, they might all use parts of the London to Bristol road, but they split off for various end destinations.

To claim a seat on a coach could be difficult, for most tended to be packed and sold out, so not easy to “catch” a ride. One bought his ticket at the origin point for the mail or stage. One might be able to bribe a coachman on a stage to stuff you in or give you an outside seat, but it was not always possible. Horses can only pull so much weight.

As I briefly mentioned above, what one really need is to research the route one characters will be required to travel. I recommend Cary’s Itinerary or Patterson’s. Look up the route to discover what coaches actually traveled through the setting. These travel guides are possible to find online, and as used books, and are not that expensive.

Here’s the online link to Cary Itinerary (second edition, 1802). I hope this helps those who are writing during this period.  https://books.google.com/books?id=cg4QAAAAYAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=carys&hl=en&sa=X&ei=ozn1VIaWHcWMNon8gogC&ved=0CB0Q6AEwAA#v=onepage&q=carys&f=false

Have a look at one of my previous posts on Stagecoach Travel.

Other Sources:

Coach Travel in Regency England

A Grim Reality: The Life of a Coach Horse in the Regency Era

How Far Did Our Ancestors Travel

The Stagecoach

Posted in British history, England, Georgian England, Georgian Era, history, real life tales, Regency era, travel | Tagged , , , , , | Comments Off on Traveling by Stagecoach During the Regency Era

Thomas Tompion, “The Father of English Clockmaking”

thomas-tompion.jpgI have a dear friend who is really into antiques, and I must tell you that she is a wealth of knowledge — a tap I often go to for just that special touch in a story, but I will admit I knew nothing of Thomas Tompion until this friend was on an internet search for a particular style of clock, known to represent Tompion’s style. 

So, what of you? Are you as ignorant of Thomas Tompion as was I? It is not easy to learn much of Tompion’s early years. He was born, the son of the local blacksmith, in Ickwell Green, Northill, near Biggleswade in Bedfordshire. He was baptized in July 1639, which is the mark of his birth in the records of the time. Keeping in mind that blacksmiths were the experts in metalworking trades at the time, we assume Thomas learned much within his father’s shop. Precision was the mark of much of Thomas’s work in later life. He was an English maker of clocks, watches, and scientific instruments who was a pioneer of improvements in timekeeping mechanisms that set new standards for the quality of their workmanship.

Around 1671, Thomas agreed to spend several years as an apprentice (a “brother”) in the Worshipful Company of Clockmakers before obtaining his freedom as a journeyman in 1674. Two years later, he was appointed clockmaker for the new Royal Greenwich Observatory, having been commissioned by Charles II to make two clocks that were accurate enough by which astronomers could use them to make calculations and that they only needed to wound once a year. It is said that John Flamsteed, Astronomer Royal, was able to prove his theory that the earth spins on its axis at a uniform rate with the use of Tompion’s clocks.

11096s1010011-thomas-tompion.jpg

Elected to the livery of the Clockmakers’ Company in 1691, Tompion served as junior warden in 1700 and rose to master in 1703. About 1707 Tompion was made a freeman of the city of Bath, where he is believed to have sought relief for an ailment, and he presented the city with a month-going timepiece still in use at the Pump Room.

According to an article by Jeremy L. Evans for Encyclopedia Britannica, “Tompion was among the first to apply Christiaan Huygen’s invention of the balance spring to watches. In particular, he is credited with inventing the Tompion regulation (1674–75), and he was the first (1695) to construct watches with a practical form of horizontal escapement. In clockwork, Tompion used early forms of dead-beat escapement (1675–76), and he introduced pendulum spring-suspension for table clocks and Barlow’s rack-striking mechanism (both about 1680). He was one of the first to use efficiently profiled machine-cut gearing and to protect movements from dust.

“Tompion’s practical skills enabled him to supply any type of horological item, and his versatility is displayed by his earliest known commissions: a church bell of more than one hundredweight (8 stone, 112 pounds, or about 51 kg) in 1671, a turret clock for the Tower of London, a quadrant of 3-foot (1-metre) radius for the Royal Society in 1674, and a balance-spring watch, under physicist Robert Hooke’s instruction, for King Charles II  in 1675. 

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Mostyn Tompion, year-going clock, table clock, striking clock, spring-

“By this time, Tompion was established in business in Fleet Street, where he traded for the rest of his life at the sign of the Dial and Three Crowns. Remarkably, within just a few years of his arrival in London’s horological community, he had become its most renowned member, and, with sound business acumen, he capitalized on the demand for his work and was soon the leading retailer. In 1690 ,he was employing as many as 20 people at his establishment. His customers were chiefly from the wealthiest classes—royalty and the aristocracy of England and other European countries. He also supplied items for presentation as diplomatic gifts. Some of his finest work, possibly in collaboration with the designer Daniel Marot, was for King William III and Queen Mary II; examples include an outstanding year-going spring clock and a highly complicated traveling clock. Two year-going equation longcase clocks still in the royal collections were made for William III and Prince George of Denmark.

Thomas_Tompion_George_Graham_plaque_London.jpg“About 1701 Tompion took into partnership Edward Banger, who had been trained in the business and had married his niece, but Banger was apparently dismissed from the premises about 1707, and for the next few years items were retailed with Tompion’s name alone. About 1712, Tompion took into partnership George Graham, who had married another niece, and Graham succeeded to the business on Tompion’s death. (Graham also shares the distinction of being buried in the same plot and covered by the same stone in Westminster Abbey.) During his life, Tompion retailed about 700 clocks and 5,500 watches—including about 400 complicated repeating watches, as well as a small number of scientific instruments such as barometers, dials, and even a lunarium. He was one of the first to number his items in series.”

Tompion was also known for his mantel and grandfather clocks. His father’s old smithy has been restored and is used by the local football club as a changing room. 

 
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Catholic – Protestant Marriages During the late Georgian Era

When discussing Catholic emancipation, etc., the year makes a difference. George III’s era was far stricter against Catholics having any kind of power. That was one reason why many members of parliament quit in 1801, including Pitt the Younger and Lord Grenville. Such tidbits of information are important to clarify if one is writing a book that places the hero and heroine in a “mixed” marriage.

There were mixed marriages, some very well known. In fact, the Prince Regent himself married a Catholic, though without permission. The children in this case will be raised Protestant.

Prince George knew the marriage was invalid because it had not been approved according to the Royal Marriage Act. This was essential  for him because another law said anyone who married a Catholic gave up his/her place in the line of succession to the throne. Mrs. Fitzherbert considered herself married to him, though it had been by a Protestant clergyman. (See Regency History for more on this joining.)

However, one must realize this was not simply a Georgian era point of contention. The rules against “mixed marriages” continued into the latter part of the 1800s. For example, much later in the century, a case was contested between Maria Theresa Longworth and Major William Charles Yelverton who married in a Catholic Church near Rostrevor on 15 August 1857. They had previously married in Edinburgh on or about 13 April 1857 according to Scottish law; however, Theresa refused to cohabit with Major Yelverton until they were married according to her own Catholic religion. Whether the marriage was legal or not came into the public eye when Major Yelverton married a rich widow, Emily Marianne Ashworth Forbes, in Edinburgh, reportedly some time after Mari had a miscarriage. Maria claimed Yelverton committed bigamy. The major was arrested, but the charges were dropped. Afterwards, Yelverton sought out a declaration in court that he was not married to Maria.

“Meanwhile, Theresa went to the English Court of Divorce and Matrimonial Causes to petition for the restitution of conjugal rights. At this time, she lived in England and Major Yelverton resided in Edinburgh. Since Major Yelverton was not domiciled in England, the court said it did not have jurisdiction, stating that the Court of Divorce and Matrimonial Causes was “…a court for England, not for the United Kingdom, or for Great Britain; and for the purposes of this question of jurisdiction Ireland and Scotland are to be deemed foreign countries equally with France or Spain”. On 7 December 1859, the court held that there was nothing to get rid of the maxim actor sequitur forum rei, and dismissed Major Yelverton.

“By 1861, Theresa had been living with a Mr and Mrs Thelwall in England, who brought a claim against Major Yelverton to the Court of Common Pleas in Ireland to recover the money owed for her board and lodgings. Their application was on the basis that Theresa was Major Yelverton’s wife, so the real purpose of the petition was to establish that they were indeed married. In February 1860, Major Yelverton had become the Baron of Avonmore; therefore, there was no question of his domicile in Ireland. The ten-day trial was a sensation which received daily coverage in newspapers all over Great Britain and Ireland; Major Yelverton’s “own defence proclaimed him a treacherous, a heartless libertine”, and so public opinion fell firmly in Theresa’s favour. (Matthias McDonnell Bodkin, Famous Irish Trials (Maunsel & Co 1918)

“A 1746 statute became central to the trial, in which it was stated that “every marriage which shall be celebrated … between a Papist and any person who had been or professed him or herself to be a Protestant any time within twelve months before such celebration of marriage, or between two Protestants if celebrated by a popish priest shall be and is hereby proclaimed absolutely null and void to all intents and purposes…”. (Statute 10, George II, Chapter 13 Section I)

“The jury found that there was a Scottish marriage and an Irish marriage, and at the time Major Yelverton had professed to be a Roman Catholic…. In Edinburgh, the outcome of Theresa’s 1858 petition was not so fortunate. In July 1862, the Lord OrdinaryLord Ardmillan, found in Major Yelverton’s favour – a decision which was overturned in December 1862 when the Inner House found that Theresa and Major Yelverton were lawfully married persons.

“Finally, in July 1864, the House of Lords found that Major Yelverton was a Protestant within the meaning of the Act, and therefore the marriage was null and void. The Yelverton saga ultimately resulted in the laws of marriages being reformed, with the enactment of the Marriage Causes and Marriage Law (Ireland) Amendment Act of 1870 legalising marriages between Catholics and Protestants before a Catholic priest.” [Our Legal Heritage: A bigamist’s mixed-marriage declared null and void]

Yelverton showed records of his family being Protestant for generations and the fact that he had attended the “right schools,” etc. as proof for his case.

Maria Theresa Longworth Yelverton

The case infuriated the Catholics all over again, and not many parliaments passed before  the law was changed allowing mixed marriages by Catholic priests or Anglican, Methodists, Presbyterian or other clergymen. 

The Law was clear. In England, everyone including Catholics, with the exception of Quakers or Jews had to be married in the local parish church or by a Church of England clergyman. NO other exceptions. Catholics in England who married only in their own rites were not considered legally married under English law. They had to be married  by a Protestant minister to be legally married. The Catholics found this legislation vile and prejudicial; yet, most married in their church first and then almost immediately in the Protestant church. If they had not married in the Protestant church their children were considered illegitimate, etc., under the law of the land. 

In fact, a Catholic priest faced fines and other sanctions for marrying a Protestant to a Catholic unless they had already been married by a Protestant.

In Ireland, the Catholics didn’t need to be married by a Protestant at all, but the clergy was still forbidden to celebrate at a mixed marriage unless there had already been a Protestant one. 

All through the 19th century, the restrictions against other religious groups were eased and there even was a provision for a civil marriage, but a Catholic and a Protestant still could not marry in the Catholic Church unless already married by civil or Protestant ceremony. Rules against Catholics lasted longer than rules against other religions. Any marriage of a Protestant to a Catholic by Catholic ritual alone was invalid. 

Legally, there had to be a Church of England ceremony first for the marriage to be legal in England. If the bride wanted to be married by a priest afterward, it would not be impossible to find a priest to perform the ceremony. Confession before marriage has never been a requirement, especially if the marriage ceremony does not include a Mass, which it would not if the groom is not Catholic.

Though the laws against Catholics had been somewhat weakened by the Regency period,  there was still much feeling against Catholics in general. In 1780 there were riots when Parliament discussed a bill to remove some of the disabilities against Catholics.

George III greatly objected to his prime minister attempt to include Catholic emancipation with the bill making Ireland a part of the United Kingdom. This despite the fact that it had been promised.

Catholic emancipation was the subject of political debate in the United Kingdom which intensified in the 19th Century after the Act of Union in 1801. “Catholics were not allowed to sit in Parliament. and, therefore, were represented by Protestants. Catholic emancipation — Catholic relief — was designed to give Catholics the right to sit in Parliament.

“The Act of Union unified Ireland with Great Britain and disbanded the mainly Protestant and ineffective Irish Parliament. Catholic emancipation was informally promised to the Catholics of Ireland, which would allow them to stand for election and represent their country in Parliament. Catholics had previously been barred from political office by the Oath of Supremacy, which required them to disavow the supremacy of the Pope and the act of transubstantiation and swear loyalty to the Anglican Church of England. William Pitt [the Prime Minister] was unable to grant Catholic emancipation after the Act of Union because George III believed that it was unconstitutional and that allowing it would violate his oath to the Church of England. Pitt and his government did not want to push him [George III] further into ‘madness.’ Furthermore, Britain was engaged in the French Wars and could not afford political instability. Catholic emancipation was shelved.” [The Catholic Relief Act (1829)]

Ironically, it was the Napoleonic wars with an increased need for men in the army and navy that allowed Catholics to be officers.

They still could not vote nor attend university or schools, such as Eton, Harrow, Westminster, etc. Before the war, Catholic children were often sent to the Continent to Catholic schools. The Duke of Norfolk came from a prominent Catholic family. He had a hereditary position as Earl marshal, but had to allow a Protestant to fulfill many of his official duties. He was supposed to allow the churches to which he held the livings to be handled by the universities, but he refused to hand them over and had a Protestant make the formal approach to the Bishop regarding his refusal.

Shortly after the Regency, Parliament granted him the right to act in his won stead, no matter his professed religion. After McConnell’s election to Parliament  and other reforms, Roman Catholics were allowed to take their seats in the House of Lords. Suddenly the number of Catholic peers increased. The families had often been bringing up the heir to the title as a Protestant so he might inherit, while the rest of the children were raised as Catholic. 

Charles Howard, 11th Duke of Norfolk by Thomas Gainsborough ~ Public Domain ~ 1746-1815

Norfolk renounced his Catholicism to start his political life, but remained a staunch supporter of Catholic Emancipation. He sat in Parliament from 1780 to 1784 and served as a lord of the treasury under the Portland administration in 1783. Howard became a staunch Whig. However, at the great political dinner at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, Arundel Street, Strand, on 24 Jan. 1798, at which nearly two thousand persons attended, the duke gave a toast, `Our sovereign’s health—the majesty of the people.’ The king, highly offended, caused him to be removed from his lord-lieutenancy and colonelcy of militia in the following February. The news reached the duke on the evening of 31 Jan., when he was entertaining the prince regent at Norfolk House (Lonsdale, Worthies of Cumberland, v. 57–64). The prince and the duke were for a time fast friends, and were the first to bring into fashion the late hours of dining. They subsequently quarrelled, but after some reconciliation, the prince invited Norfolk, then an old man, to dine and sleep at the Pavilion at Brighton, and with the aid of his brothers, the Dukes of Clarence and York, reduced him to a helpless condition of drunkenness (Thackeray, Four Georges).[Dictionary of National Biography]

He left no issue, and was succeeded in the dukedom by his third cousin, Bernard Edward Howard (1765–1842) Unlike Charles Howard, Bernard Howard was a staunch Roman Catholic, but by act of parliament passed 24 June 1824, he was allowed to act as earl-marshal. He was made a councillor of the university of London in 1825, was admitted to a seat in the House of Lords, after the Roman Catholic Relief Bill of 1829, was nominated a privy councillor 1830, and was elected K.G. 1834.

The Twelfth Duke of Norfolk, portrait of Bernard Howard, 12th Duke of Norfolk (1765-1842) – via Wikipedia

An ardent Roman Catholic, like most of his family, he strongly supported Catholic Emancipation, and gave offense to his Protestant neighbors by hosting a large banquet to celebrate the passage of the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829.  

Posted in Act of Parliament, British history, Church of England, customs and tradiitons, family, Georgian England, Georgian Era, history, Inheritance, Living in the Regency, marriage, marriage customs, political stance, real life tales, Regency era, religion, research | Tagged , , , , , , , , , | Comments Off on Catholic – Protestant Marriages During the late Georgian Era

Book Review – The Phantom of Pemberley: A Pride and Prejudice Mystery

(by Kelly Yanke Deltenar of www.examiner.com)

The Phantom of Pemberley by Regina Jeffers is a sequel to Jane Austen’s Pride and Prejudice with a murder mystery twist. And although I’ve read Jeffers before (all of her other books, as a matter of fact) I was skeptical. Extremely skeptical. I was skeptical to the point of being afraid of reading the book because I had very high expectations.

Well, dear reader, I am happy to report that not only does Jeffers deliver for the Austen fan; she delivers for the “cozy” crowd as well.

Jeffers begins the book by dropping us into Elizabeth and Fitzwilliam’s lives a little over a year after they’ve been married. Things are going well, even an impending visit from Lydia Wickham can’t ruin their idyllic setting until a winter squall strikes and several travelers are forced to stay at Pemberley for a duration to ride the storm out.

Characters both from the original book by Austen and new characters created by Jeffers are presented and fleshed out for us to enjoy. Happily (or unhappily for the Darcy’s) Lady Catherine and Anne de Bourgh are part of the refugees when the storm strikes so the tension is set at a fever pitch.

In a very deliberate fashion, each of the guests has some relation to each other, although all are thought to be strangers other than those of direct relation to the Darcys. It is a wonderful set up and the tension builds as you turn the pages.

Almost immediately the mystery begins when a shadow figure appears to be stalking the grounds. Then the bodies start piling up. There seems to be no rhyme or reason to the murders which leads the guest to believe there may be more than one killer on the loose.

Trapped because of the storm and impassable roads, the guests are forced to remain at Pemberley. Because help can’t reach Pemberley, Darcy and Elizabeth are forced to discover who the murderer is before another victim is taken.

Interwoven with the mystery and intrigue are genuine love stories, courtship and even some play acting presented by the guests. Jeffers had me convinced I was in an Austen novel, even if it was in another universe.

4 out of 5 stars!

*****************************

The Phantom of Pemberley: A Pride and Prejudice Murder Mystery

[originally released by Ulysses Press on July 1, 2010]

[ReReleased March 19, 2021]

HAPPILY MARRIED for over a year and more in love than ever, Darcy and Elizabeth can’t imagine anything interrupting their bliss-filled days. Then an intense snowstorm strands a group of travelers at Pemberley, and terrifying accidents and mysterious deaths begin to plague the manor. Everyone seems convinced that it is the work of a phantom—a Shadow Man who is haunting the Darcy family’s grand estate.

Darcy and Elizabeth believe the truth is much more menacing and that someone is attempting to murder them. But Pemberley is filled with family guests as well as the unexpected travelers—any one of whom could be the culprit—so unraveling the mystery of the murderer’s identity forces the newlyweds to trust each other’s strengths and work together.

Written in the style of the era and including Austen’s romantic playfulness and sardonic humor, this suspense-packed sequel to Pride and Prejudice recasts Darcy and Elizabeth as a husband-and-wife detective team who must solve the mystery at Pemberley and catch the murderer—before it’s too late.

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